_______________________________________________________________ | | Blame the Victim: Hushing Mormon Sexual Abuse | April 10, 1996 | By Marion Smith | | Marion Smith, founder of the Intermountain Specialized Abuse | Treatment Center, and a longtime chronicler of child sexual | abuse, in the shadow of the LDS Church Office Building. | Answers to her questions about abuse cover-up are not | forthcoming. | | With terror, James Adams confessed sexually abusing his two | young children to his LDS bishop, stake president and other | men in his Beckley, W. V. ward. The children's mother was in | Alaska; he had custody of the children. His bishop did not | report Adams' abuse to law enforcement. Nothing was done to | help or protect the children. | | The abuse was sadistic and frequent, and it continued for | five more years until the children's mother and state police | learned of a 55-minute video tape that Adams made of his | molestation of his own children. | | A $750 million lawsuit was filed on Jan. 16, 1996 in West | Virginia, charging the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day | Saints with negligence in reporting child sexual abuse in | this case. The lawsuit names as defendants five church | officials in Salt Lake City, including President Gordon B. | Hinckley. Adams pleaded guilty to 37 counts of child sexual | abuse and was sentenced to serve 75 years in prison. | | As the highest profile case of child sexual abuse and the | largest claim for monetary damages brought against the LDS | Church, the resulting court battle could have far reaching | ramifications for church officials and for how such abusive | situations are handled in the future. While abuse has | recently been condemned from the pulpit by some church | authorities, individual cases are often hushed up, as | officials act instinctively to protect the church's | reputation first and victims only as an after-thought, | resulting in a new round of secondary abuse. | | The case brings national focus to an issue that only | recently has been acknowledged and previously minimized or | dismissed among Mormons. Child advocates say that child | sexual abuse exists in LDS congregations in Utah and across | the country. A year and a half ago, Lisa Davis, a Phoenix | newspaper reporter noted "at least thirty-five recent | instances of molestation involving the Mormon Church," | recorded in "national news and legal databases" ("Latter- | day Sinners," New Times, December, 1994). | | | Case Study in Coverup | | A high profile incident in Oklahoma is a case study in | cover-up. For Merradyth McCallister and Mary Plourde of | Oklahoma City, Okla., their efforts to expose the child | sexual abuse problem in their local Mormon congregation not | only resulted in cover-up, they were ecclesiastically | punished for their pains. | | In September 1993, Merradyth and Jack McCallister and their | son Scott of Yukon, Okla. told their stake president that | Scott had been sexually abused by their bishop, Ronald | Phelps. The stake president discounted and minimized Scott's | abuse which had occurred over a two year period. Having | learned from speaking with other families that Phelps had | also abused other children in the ward, the McCallisters | formed a support group for survivors of sexual abuse. | | The McCallisters told "The Event" that the stake president | then informed them they had "crucified an innocent man and | destroyed his family," had "slandered Phelps," and that the | children's word could not be believed over that of a | priesthood leader." They were advised not to pursue the | issue. | | | Public Indecency | | The McCallisters did a background check on Phelps and found | that he had been arrested for indecent exposure prior to | being called as bishop in 1980. He had also been charged | with sexual abuse but not prosecuted; this charge was known | to the stake leadership when Phelps was called to serve as | bishop. On March 8, 1994, Phelps was again arrested in a | men's rest room at Oklahoma University for investigation of | public indecency and soliciting to commit an act of | lewdness. The stake president then informed the McCallisters | that the arrest had nothing to do with sexual abuse | allegations. Phelps continued to serve in church positions. | | The McCallisters continued to warn others that Phelps was a | predator. They wrote to President Gordon B. Hinckley (a | First Presidency counselor at that time), detailing these | events and asking him to intervene. They heard nothing. When | they went to the local media with the problem they were | punished by their church leaders. In August 1994, Merradyth | was excommunicated from the LDS Church for "conduct | unbecoming a member of the Church" and for "actions which | have not only affected the good name of the Church but also | the good names, lives and testimonies of the members." | | Jack resigned his Church membership in protest. Mary | Plourde, a family friend who worked on this case with the | McCallisters was also excommunicated that same month, for | the same reasons. Plourde and Merradyth reported they were | refused copies of their excommunication notices, after being | allowed to briefly see them and hear them read aloud by the | bishop. They said the documents were signed by Gordon B. | Hinckley. They have since taken their crusade to Oklahoma | City detectives and prosecutors. | | | Pervasiveness of Abuse | | Statistics from the Boy Scouts of America and the National | Committee for the Prevention of Child Abuse indicate one in | four girls and one in six boys will be sexually abused | before they reach the age of 18. These statistics apply to | all large populations. Despite public emphasis on family | values, child abuse still invades Mormon families; one in | four Mormon girls and one in six Mormon boys will be | sexually abused by age 18. | | Child abuse is disruptive to the individual and society. Its | primary effect is shame and self-blame in the child's mind. | A child is physically helpless and emotionally dependent. So | the child's effort to gain control becomes a central issue. | A child abuse victim seeks control in one of two ways: | through self-blame, becoming a victim and re-enacting self | abuse through multiple symptoms; or, by identifying with the | abuser's power and reenacting the abuse upon someone else. | There is no way to assess the full cost of child abuse to | the individual and society. | | It is typical for abuse survivors to be in their 30s or 40s | before they finally are able to start to deal with past | abuse. Usually a survivor requires therapy for four to five | years. The costs of therapy vary greatly, but $75 per hour | is an average fee. | | Sometimes, one generation of abuse shows up in particularly | egregious violence in the next. Among the most notorious | historical villains of the 20th century, Adolf Hitler, | Saddam Hussein, and Romanian dictator Ceausescu were all | brutally abused as children. | | With the LDS Church awash in negative publicity regarding | child sexual abuse in the past decade, church leaders have | begun to speak publicly about the problem, General | Conference speeches have condemned it, educational materials | have been prepared, training sessions have been held, Boy | Scout leaders are instructed now to send more than on adult | chaperon with children on outings. | | The "Bishop's Handbook" -- a resource available only to male | leadership -- now states that a bishop must report abuse, | unless the information came from a perpetrator during a | confessional interview. Some bishops are more conscientious | than others, child advocates observe. There are those | willing to walk victims through the fallout of abuse. Others | describe bishops who hinder the process. | | | Survival & Betrayal | | Fourteen years ago, when I began practicing as a therapist | in the field of child sexual abuse, I met adult victims of | abuse who literally might not have survived if it had not | been for the extraordinary support of compassionate bishops. | At its best, the church system can work to help heal and | improve individuals. However, when support is not given, and | victims are disbelieved, blamed or are counseled not to | pursue the matter, the individual is betrayed by his or her | extended religious family in whom trust has been invested as | freely as protective and nurturing parents. | | From clients whose identities remain anonymous, I listened | to stories of how their abuse was intertwined with their | religious life and church leaders. John, a young man in his | 20s, says "I was abused by my scout leader when I was 10. I | tried to tell the bishop about it once. He asked me if I was | gay. I never approached him again. I am no longer active in | the church." | | Jane is in her mid-40s. While working in the travel industry | for many years, she was in therapy for abuse she suffered | from her father and grandfather for years when she was | young. While her father was abusing her [he] was also her | bishop and was widely respected in the ward. "I used to look | up at him when he stood at the pulpit and I thought he was | God. It's still hard for me not to associate God and my | father as one person, even after all these years of | therapy." | A Provo woman, Elaine, reported that after years of | struggling alone, telling no one about being sexually abused | by her father, she finally went to the stake president, with | whom her father had served on the regional high council. His | response was that he did not see how he could possibly judge | events between her and her father. He therefore had to | assume that her father was "an honorable man" because he | held a high church office. She must be wrong, she was told. | | Jamie had suffered guilt and self-hatred all her life. | Intensely religious, she says for years she tried to tell | bishops and others in the church of her abuse but she was | always told to forgive and get on with her life. "I would go | to church and feel different from everyone else and totally | unworthy. I couldn't ask for a temple recommend. I tried to | fade into the background." Recently she has finally found | ways to express and process her feelings about the abuse | through the help of her current bishop whom she says is | supportive and understanding of her needs. | | Kate who grew up in Salt Lake City, was repeatedly abused by | a ward member between ages 7 and 9. Her sisters were also | abused by this man. No one came to their aid. Years later, | Kate and her sisters entered therapy to deal with their | abuse. One day when Kate's sister attended an LDS temple | session, she was horrified to see their abuser serving as a | temple worker. | | She also learned that this man was serving as a volunteer | with children at a local hospital. She called the hospital | and reported him to personnel there. He was discontinued as | a volunteer at the hospital. Kate and her sister wrote to | this man's bishop and explained the situation. They were | told that they should forgive and forget; the bishop took no | action against the man. | | | Blame the Victim | | In spite of current instructions in the "Bishop's Handbook" | telling bishops to report sexual abuse, many Mormon clergy | do not appear to understand the legal imperative for | reporting. A member of a 13-year-old Holladay girl's family | told me that the girl was sexually abused by a ward member | in his 30s. | | A church disciplinary court was called against the girl, | accusing her of sexual activity, describing it as an | "affair" with this man. Subsequently, she behaved | promiscuously with boys her own age. Called to church court, | the girl made a serious suicide attempt. This did not deter | the stake president from proceeding with her church | discipline. | | Only when the girl's grandfather intervened by contacting | child advocates who threatened public exposure of the case, | did the stake president drop the church action against the | girl. Unfortunately, by then the girl had been deeply | damaged by both sexual and ecclesiastical abuse. Without the | threat of public exposure, the girl would possibly have been | excommunicated while her abuser went unpunished. | | | In Your Neighborhood | | "From statistics available on child sexual abuse we know | that it can and does happen in all neighborhoods, crossing | all social, economic, ethnic and religious backgrounds," say | Andrea Moore Emmett, Midvale, who encountered abuse in her | neighborhood in the summer of 1993. | | "If it hasn't already, it will happen in your neighborhood, | to someone you know and care about; it may occur down the | street or right under your own roof. Never mind the faceless | statistics that say it's someone else's problem -- now it's | yours." | | A young man in Emmett's LDS ward sexually abused | neighborhood children in his mother's unlicensed day care. | Knowledge of this abuse emerged later while he was serving | an LDS mission; he was sent home. Emmett's children did not | visit the day care and escaped the abuse, but other children | were not so lucky. More than 14 neighborhood children were | interviewed by a detective and found to have been abused by | the young man at the day care over a period of several | years. Charges were filed, but plea bargaining lowered time | served to two weeks in the county jail since his case was | considered "a first offense." He was then placed on one | year's probation by the court. | | A friend living across the street from Emmett discovered | that her child had been abused. When this mother pressed the | bishop for help and therapy for her child, she was denied | response or assistance from the church. She and her family | soon moved from the neighborhood. "The bishop showed no | concern for the children's plight; and he treated my friend | as if she was a troublemaker," Emmett says. The young man | was "disfellowshipped" (a punishment short of | excommunication), but given support, therapy, a job and | other assistance from the church. | | Emmett resigned her church membership shortly afterward, | saying "I was already disillusioned with the way the church | treats women, but after this, I could no longer support the | church as a member." | | | Abuse Helpline | | In May 1995, under pressure from increased publicity and | mounting legal problems, the LDS Church announced a | toll-free phone number for reporting child abuse directly to | church headquarters, 1-800- 453-3860, ext. 1911. Some church | members are encouraged by the helpline and express | enthusiasm about having access to church headquarters for | reporting child abuse problems. Others are less optimistic. | The number is not for general use. Calls are accepted only | from bishops or stake presidents. | | "The impression [given from Mormon members here] is to refer | problems to the bishop and let him call the 800 number," | says an anonymous Midwest Mormon woman. "We have learned | first hand that it is foolish to leave this matter to be | dealt with internally -- more often than not the accused is | afforded more concern and protection than the person abused. | | "[Those of us] in stake Primary, Relief Society and Young | Women's presidencies wanted to find aggressive ways to | provide support for victims and others, beyond the 800 | number. We got permission to put together a stake training | meeting for women leaders of Primary, Young Women and Relief | Society concerning child abuse. With many of the men in the | ward and stake leadership, we must battle the assumption | that the story ends when abuse is reported. We contend that | the reporting (and the 800 number) is only one chapter in | the middle of a very long book." | | Some Utah Mormons assert that the helpline diverts | information to church headquarters, where it is more | effectively buried or covered-up. | | | Speaking Out | | When children are sexually abused by church members, then | abused again with acts of denial and cover-up by their | ecclesiastical leaders, it creates a double betrayal. Some | Mormons who've experienced both sexual and ecclesiastical | abuse have come to believe that only by speaking out and | making their stories publicly known can such abuses be | avoided in the future. | | The Mormon Alliance -- an independent organization that | identifies and documents cases of ecclesiastical abuse in | the LDS Church -- will publish in May its "Case Reports" of | abuse (including sexual). Ecclesiastical abuse is defined as | any type of coercion, repression or silencing of church | members by church leaders. The Alliance has collected dozens | of child sexual abuse cases in which ecclesiastical leaders | have been negligent in reporting abuse or punitive to those | who point it out. | | For example, a Calgary woman reported that in 1993, "An LDS | psychologist specializing in treatment of LDS women who had | experienced sexual abuse was excommunicated for "destroying | families and disobeying the priesthood [i.e., taking his | patients' stories seriously]. Several women under his care | now no longer pursue church channels to have their cases | dealt with." | | Mormon Alliance trustee Lavina Fielding Anderson, editor of | the forthcoming "Case Reports," documents 23 cases of | criminal prosecution for child sexual abuse by Mormons. | "Nothing in church policy or doctrine provides the slightest | justification for child sexual abuse," she says. "That's why | it is such a shattering betrayal of trust when an | ecclesiastical officer chooses to put the well-being of the | perpetrator ahead of the well-being of a child." | | In addition to documenting abuses, "the Mormon Alliance | works to promote healing and closure for abuse survivors, to | build more sensitive church leadership, to empower LDS | members, and to foster a healthier religious community," | Anderson adds. The Alliance believes that when child sexual | abuse occurs among members of a church congregation, the | result is enormous personal and legal problems. It damages | individuals, families, the institutional church, as well as | the Mormon community and surrounding communities. | | | More Hard Cases | | Take the case of LDS attorney Michael Shean in Santa Maria, | Calif., and LDS seminary teacher convicted of sexually | abusing young boys. Court records in a civil suit against | the LDS Church allege gross negligence on the part of ward | leaders who knew Shean had problems -- as a counselor in his | ward bishopric, he had been excommunicated for abuse of two | young boys that surfaced years later when they were on LDS | missions. He was excommunicated, re- baptized and assigned | to work with youths. | | Or the case in Magnolia, Texas, where Charles Hohn Blome, a | 66- year old Mormon high priest, was charged and found | guilty of aggravated sexual assault and indecency with a | child. Legal charges allege that his church leaders knew of | Blome's pedophilia and covered-up critical evidence about | his sexual abuse of children in the ward. | | In 1995, a Salt Lake child advocate reported to me that a | 15-year old boy was sent by LDS Social Services to live in | the home of a southern Utah bishop. Not long after moving | in, the boy sexually abused the bishop's children. Social | Services personnel knew that the boy had a history of | sexually abusing children, but they did not warn the bishop | of this problem. They simply said the boy was "troubled" and | "needed a good environment." By accepting this call to care | for a church member in need, the bishop and his family were | devastated. | | | Follow the Leader | | Or take Kris Morton's story. Morton was raised in a devoted | Mormon family with a strong pioneer heritage. Her father was | a high priest and their lives were centered around the | church. She was sexually abused at various times during her | childhood by family members. One was her great uncle, who | served as a branch president in Utah. At night he would come | to her room and sexually abuse her, telling her that he was | "helping her," doing her "a favor." She says, "I tried to | defend myself but I was no match for him in that situation | and he knew it." Morton suffered alone, never telling | anyone. | | "In church they told us young women to be morally pure; they | warned us about young men our age trying to take sexual | advantage of us, but they didn't warn us about our | priesthood leaders or family members trying to do the same | thing. They told us to honor male priesthood holders because | they act for God on earth. They told us to follow our | leaders and do what we were told and everything would be all | right. Well, it wasn't all right, and I'm angry about that." | | Finally, when Morton was 36 years old, she began to admit to | herself the full realization of her abuse. She entered | therapy and confronted her aunt with abuse by her uncle who | had since died. Neither confirming nor denying the abuse, | Morton's aunt said her uncle "was only human" and he "gave | devoted service for so many years the Lord had forgiven him | his sins." She blamed Morton for bringing the abuse upon | herself, and she accused her of trying to tear apart the | family. | | "My aunt was so supportive of her husband, she was | compromised into denying the impact of sexual abuse," Morton | says. "I needed her support, not her blame." | | | Loyalty vs. the Courts | | The first lawsuit filed against an American clergyman for | sexual abuse of a child occurred in 1984 ["Insurers Help | Churches in Abuse Suits," Salt Lake Tribune, Oct. 15, 1994]. | Loyalty to leaders may prevent most Mormons from seeking | legal redress for child abuse. But continued lack of | response to abuse, followed by denial or cover-up, are | forcing some to seek action in civil courts. | | Sometimes a lawsuit may be the only way to create | responsibility. "I think we will see the Church change over | time, largely because the lawsuits have forced the issue," | says Sue McMurray, a Texas Mormon. Lisa Davis' "New Times" | piece reported that child sexual abuse "has cost the [LDS] | church millions of dollars -- perhaps tens of millions -- in | liability lawsuits across the nation." And these were just | the cases "that made it into the legal system." | | The problem of increasing legal action against the church | was reportedly addressed at a September, 1994 LDS Regional | Priesthood Leadership meeting in Calgary, Canada. Two men | who attended the meeting but asked not to be identified | reported that Pres. Hinckley responded to questions about | child sexual abuse, warning leaders that if they had "the | least inkling that people have a problem with this . . . | then they should be left out of church positions." | | Hinckley instructed leaders to watch for and take action on | cases of sexual abuse since these cases were "costing the | church millions of dollars in lawyer's fees and | settlements." Hinckley said, "It costs the church time and | money to fight these things," and added that "the church is | being sued for millions . . . we have more lawyers than we | know what to do with." | | | The Catholic Model | | Like the Catholic Church, the LDS Church may soon be up to | its neck in negative publicity in mishandling of child | sexual abuse in its congregations, and in responding to | civil suits. The Catholic Church has paid hundreds of | millions of dollars in settling such suites. One of the | largest of these is the case of Father Porter who abused | over 300 boys in his parish. Father Porter is now in jail | after being criminally prosecuted in two states. Over 130 | adults sued the Catholic church in several states for their | childhood abuse by him. | | In the Fall of 1995, the Catholic Church petitioned the | Supreme Court of Texas to hold that the First Amendment to | the United States Constitution (guaranteeing freedom of | religion) requires that the church be granted immunity | against any civil suit involving the sexual abuse of | children by Catholic priests. | | In December 1995, an Amicus Curiae Brief (Friend of the | Court) was submitted in support of the Catholic petition in | the Texas Supreme Court by nine other churches including the | LDS Church. The Catholic Church in this case is denying any | liability for abuse committed by its priests even if the | abuse has been reported to church hierarchy and continues to | occur. These churches claim that the First Amendment right | to religious freedom exempts them from liability even though | case law holds them and their agents responsible for | criminal acts. | | | Who's Responsible? | | By attempting to avoid responsibility for their agents' | actions, the LDS Church appears to disclaim responsibility | for decisions made by bishops or stake presidents even when | they are aware of abuse and are legally mandated to report | it. | | The protection of children from sexual abuse is of | compelling state interest. In many cases, civil action is | the only available legal recourse for abuse victims. | Churches which preach family values send a highly | contradictory message when they spend long hours and big | bucks to hide a danger that destroys children. | | Many victims of abuse have pleaded with their church leaders | to use church resources for therapy of victims instead of | using the money to fight legal battles against the victims. | Some church claims for First Amendment exemption have been | rejected in Minnesota, Colorado, Ohio and Pennsylvania. | | | Gagging Public Disclosure | | In most settlements of civil cases of child abuse involving | religious organizations, a so-called "gag order" is invoked, | which means that the parties in the settlement promise not | to disclose publicly any of the terms of settlement. | | Gag orders make it difficult to ascertain how many millions | of dollars churches like the Catholic and LDS church have | paid in civil settlements. Some victim rights' advocates are | asserting that gag orders may not be legal and that | eventually they will be tested in court. But so far, this | has not occurred. Some states, however, are currently | considering legislation which would ban gag orders in any | civil actions, not only in cases of child abuse. | | Another problem with gag orders is that churches use them to | deflect public scrutiny of a specific case where the church | has behaved negligently or in a way that is protective of | abuse perpetrators. Gag orders suppress information about a | suit that might discredit the public image of the church. | | Such was the case of Richard Kenneth Ray of Mesa Ariz., who | confessed to three separate Mormon bishops in 1968 that he | was molesting children. They failed to report him for 16 | years. In 1984, when the case came to court, the church was | charged with failure to report to the police and with | negligence in counseling Ray; he was sentenced to 61 years | in prison for molesting five girls. A civil action suit was | brought against the LDS Church which argued in vain for | clergy confidentiality and lost; the Church then paid the | victim an "undisclosed settlement" in 1990. | | | Getting Abuse on the Record | | State law requires citizens to report child abuse, but the | reporting laws vary from state to state. Utah Law requires | any person who is aware a child has been abused to notify | the Division of Family Services or police. | | Martha Pierce, an attorney for Utah's Guardian Ad Litem, | which provides legal representation for children, says "We | are legally obligated to report child abuse. There is only | one exception and that is for clergy receiving a confession | from a perpetrator." | | The child abuse reporting law does not apply to clergy, if | they meet five narrowly defined conditions: 1) Clergy must | be acting in their professional capacity at the time they | receive the information. 2) The information must be received | during a confession. 3) The information must be obtained in | the proper course of discipline set forth by the church to | which that person belongs. 4) Information must come only | from a perpetrator. (Thus if a witness or victim tells the | bishop, the bishop must report it.) 5) The clergy has an | official responsibility or duty to keep confessional | information confidential. | | If all five conditions aren't met, a religious leader must | report the abuse. If later a victim or witness comes to the | bishop and reports the abuse, then exemption is lost and the | bishop must report it. A bishop can encourage an abuser to | confess; he can also talk to the family and if any member | reports the abuse, the bishop can then report it. | | "This is the way it's supposed to work, but that's not | necessarily what happens," Pierce says. | | | Nurturing Naivete | | Three women from different regions of the country have | reported to me that in their LDS stakes, seminars for | priesthood leaders actually discussed ways to avoid rather | than comply with child abuse reporting laws. "I think that | most Mormons are incredibly naive about the church's | position on this issue -- which is to protect the church and | its interests, even at the expense of the victims," Kristy | Sumner told me. | | "My father is a bishop and when mandatory [child abuse] | reporting laws were passed in the state in which he resides, | the church held seminars for all local leaders. The purpose | of these seminars was to instruct bishops, stake presidents | and other leaders on ways to get around the new reporting | laws. There were no seminars instructing these same leaders | on what to do for the victims of abuse." | | Pierce says that often bishops assume the responsibility to | "fix" behavior problems themselves instead of referring | members to appropriate professionals. "Abuse cannot be | solved in a simple interview -- it needs a | multi-disciplinary approach. A bishop's calling does not | train him to counsel members other than in spiritual | matters," she notes. | | "While many bishops do report child abuse, it is surprising | how many bishops testify as character witnesses on behalf of | the perpetrator. Bishops try to negotiate with attorneys to | get lesser sentences and keep people's records clean so they | can serve in church callings, go on missions, etc. In my | experience, too often church leaders tend to align | themselves with the abuser instead of the victim." | | A California lawyer recently told me, "I had a stake | president who wanted to testify in a sexual abuse case that | had gone on for many years and involved many victims. He had | been very careful not to talk to the perpetrator alone and | not in a priest-penitent relationship and felt the privilege | did not apply. | | "The day he was going to sign the affidavit we had prepared | together, he called and said that a "church attorney" told | him he couldn't testify. He gave me the phone number and | asked me to call the attorney. | | "When I did, he said he believed the privilege belonged to | the priest and the penitent. I disagreed and said that even | if the privilege did apply in this case, the stake | president/priest had waived the privilege. The church | attorney said, No, I've instructed him not to do so.' I | asked, You mean you have veto power over a stake president's | inspiration and calling?' He said he didn't think of it | quite that way. I replied, `I don't doubt that one bit.'" | | | Backlash in Bountiful | | During the mid-1980's, information emerged about a child | sexual abuse and pornography ring run by two counselors in a | Bountiful bishopric and other adults in the ward. Eight | children independently told their parents, police | investigators and therapists how they were sexually abused | by these ward members. Only one of the ward members named by | the children, Brett Bullock, was prosecuted and is now in | prison. Police records show that other ward members were not | prosecuted, largely due to the fact that some parents | considered their children too young and vulnerable and | refused to let them testify in court. | | However, in private, the children independently named the | same adults and same events. Later, one child who had been | abused pulled every hair out of her head, her eyelashes and | eyebrows. | | Parents of abused children in the ward were horrified by the | abuse and sought response from their ward and stake church | leaders but nothing happened. A few parents went further, to | LDS general authorities. One father went to two general | authorities on two occasions to plead that something be done | to protect other children from more abuse by the named | perpetrators. But no action was take against the | perpetrators who continued to hold church leadership | positions. | | "Their lack of response has been the most disillusioning and | faith destroying experience of my life," this father told | me. | | | Disbelieving Children | | The wife of one man who was a perpetrator of the abuse later | told me, "When my children described the horrific sexual | abuse by their own father, the bishop counseled me to | believe my husband over my children because he holds the | priesthood. I have not been active in the church since he | told me that." | | Another mother said, "We could not afford to move from the | ward. I had to sit in church with adults who had sexually | molested our children, and who had in no way been | disciplined. I could not comprehend such betrayal." Several | parents moved from the neighborhood. | | The perpetrator in the bishopric, divorced by his wife, | moved to another ward and acquired a new wife with new | children. Others tried to warn both his new wife and his new | bishop about his past abuses of children. | | This man abused at least 30 children over many years -- from | his teenage years into his forties. Nine children and four | adult women independently reported to church leaders, their | experience of sexual abuse by the man. No church or legal | action was ever taken against him; instead, church leaders | supported him and even paid his house mortgage. | | | Ruined Lives | | Parents of children he abused believe that he was protected | because of his close association with the daughter and | son-in-law of a church apostle. When his second wife | discovered he was abusing their children, she divorced him | and threatened to take him to court for abuse. She said, "My | children would never have been abused if he had been | excommunicated or the bishop had told me of his problems. I | would never have married him. Now my children can't function | and it feels like our lives are ruined." | | One father in the ward, Mark Burton, approached LDS Church | public relations, and then approached the regional | representative of the church, pressing for action regarding | safety of the children in the ward. He was advised they'd | get back to him. They never did. Burton then talked to a | member of the First Quorum of the Seventy, who promised to | look into the matter. Burton never heard back from any | church leader about any of the abuse in the ward. He | speculates "This case was red-flagged by someone in the | church hierarchy -- it was just too hot to handle." | | | Hope for Change? | | Can the LDS Church do better? I believe that it can and | should. There are concrete ways of addressing abuse in any | community and in the courts. | | Gag orders in civil suits should be discontinued. Bishops | and stake presidents should be required to report child | abuse in compliance with the law. Prevention and education | programs could [be] offered in church settings. | | Bishops and stake presidents should realize that the needs | of victims are equally important and take precedence over | the needs of the offender. Victims should not be told to | "forgive and forget" until it is in their therapeutic | interest and capacity to do so. | | The pervasive system of denial that says child abuse does | not occur in good Mormon families must be radically changed. | Perpetrators cannot be assumed innocent simply because they | are "good members" of the church. | | | A Personal Dilemma | | If child abuse is truly the scourge that the experts report | it to be -- a main cause of broken homes, drug and alcohol | abuse, crime, mental and physical illness, sexual | dysfunction, eating disorders and more -- then it is as | important a social problem as any facing us today. If the | statistics on child abuse are correct, on average there are | 80 victims and five perpetrators sitting with you on church | benches on any given Sunday morning. | | Rather than appearing as fanged monsters hiding in the | parking lot, perpetrators may be your neighbor, your ward | clerk, your visiting teacher, your dentist or your attorney. | This explains why all the documented stories in this article | are representative of many Mormon wards and in a variety of | churches and social institutions. | | In every case of child abuse, someone is faced with the | dilemma to speak out or not to speak. If we minimize abuse | or try to justify it we only make matters worse. If we | confront or name abusers there are risks. We will always be | faced with the cost of speaking out, or the cost of not | speaking out, but either way there is a price. | | The bishop and stake president in West Virginia made a | choice not to report James Adams' abuse of his children. | Those two children's lives have been destroyed by this | abuse. Hopefully, the tragedy of this West Virginia case | will not be repeated again and again. | | | The LDS Church Replies | | The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was asked to | comment on the failure of bishops, stake presidents and | other church officials to report and take action on | egregious cases of child sexual abuse detailed in this | story. In addition, "The Event" sought comment or response | to the charges against the church in the $750 million | lawsuit filed in West Virginia in January. | | Don LeFevre of the Public Affairs Department of the church | did not respond to either request, but faxed the following | statement: | | "Children are precious in the sight of the Lord and the | Church. For this reason and also because child abuse is | increasing in frequency and intensity in today's permissive | society, the Church in recent years has been among those in | the forefront of the battle against such vile conduct. | | "The Church produces public affairs radio programs on the | subject and distributes them widely. Members of the Church | are taught to obey the laws of the land wherever they | reside. This, of course applies to child abuse reporting | laws. If local leaders of the Church have any questions | about local reporting requirements, they are encouraged to | call the Church's 800-number "Help Line" for counsel." | | | © Copyright 1996, The Event [March 20 - April 10, 1996], | Salt Lake City, UT. [ Source: | http://affirmation.org/news/1996_05.asp ] | | | (In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this | material is distributed without profit to those who have | expressed a prior interest in receiving the included | information for research and educational purposes.) | | ____________________________________________________________ | | | HERE FOLLOWS THE DETAILS OF A SINGLE CASE as reported by | Mormon Alliance trustee Lavina Fielding Anderson, editor of | "Case Reports" that documents 23 cases of criminal | prosecution for child sexual abuse by Mormons, as mentioned | in the above article: | | | RAPE AND SODOMIZATION BY DIAGNOSED PEDOPHILE IGNORED BY | CHURCH -- AFTERMATH (The story begins further down!) | | Writing under the pseudonyms of April Daniels and Carol | Scott, two women a generation apart recorded their | devastating discovery of the havoc abuse had wreaked in | their families. Their story appeared in Paperdolls: Healing | from Sexual Abuse in Mormon Neighborhoods (Salt Lake City: | Palingenesia Press, 1990). All of the names in this account | are pseudonyms. Since its publication, there have been | additional developments, which are we will begin with: | | In the summer of 1992, Carol's two youngest daughters and | one of their husbands met with Hank's current bishop and his | stake president. They sought this meeting with these | ecclesiastical leaders as part of their own healing. They | pled with Hank's priesthood leaders to take action to right | the wrong that had been done and to protect children to whom | Hank still had access. Carol reports: "These authorities | told us they were worried Hank might kill himself if they | took action against him, but they said they believed us. | They said they would have to check with their legal | department and get back to us. We heard no further response | from them." Carol's son-in-law wrote to the stake president | later: | | We met with you, as spiritual leaders, with the hope | that something could be done to protect against more abuse, | to better facilitate the long and difficult healing process, | and to appeal to your sense of morality that [Hank] finally | might be called to repentance. No thanks to you or any other | Church leader and as you can see by the enclosed Verified | Complaint; our objectives will no longer be ignored. | | President, I cannot begin to tell you how crushed I | felt to look you, a fellow priesthood holder, in the eye and | tell you that a diagnosed pedophile, who had returned from a | mission and who had married in the temple, raped and | sodomized my wife and many others when they were but small | and innocent children, only to have you tell me that you | would have to check with your legal department and get back | to me, which you have not bothered to do. I do not believe | that Christ would care more about a lawsuit from one that is | "better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck, | and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea:" than he | would care about the lives of God's children. Because we | cannot get any support from our Church, we are forced to | resort to a civil court of law. | | I realize that no person or courtroom in the world | can render anything close to justice for what [Hank] has | done to so many children and their loved ones. I firmly | believe, however, that despite your ineffectiveness and | inaction, [Hank] will some day be called to a just | repentance and [my wife] will be healed by a power much | greater than yours. In many ways I am grateful that I do not | have the holy calling that you have. I pray for you, as well | as the children.[5] | | [ ENDNOTE 5: Photocopy in my possession. ] | | A copy went to Elder Loren C. Dunn, then area president. Two | of the women initiated a civil suit against Hank for damages | from his abuse when they were children. Criminal action was | not possible because the statute of limitation had run out. | Even though Hank was an attorney and a member of the Utah | Bar, he did not contest the suit, and the women were awarded | a default judgment for $5 million. Their "damages" consisted | of a token $100 a month, as Hank had sought protection from | previous creditors by declaring bankruptcy. He also had | never paid any child support for his four children. | | In 1992 an adult woman who had read Paperdolls called Carol | and said, "I know who Hank is. I lived in that same East | Bench neighborhood in Salt Lake. He abused me for four years | when I was a child, right up until he left on his mission." | She had gone to Hank's current bishop and stake president | and told her own story of Hank's abuse of her, hoping they | might warn families in his present ward. But nothing ever | happened. | | In fall 1993, Hank was fired from his position with the | State Tax Commission, allegedly for sexually harassing a | teenage female employee. Carol and her daughters were amazed | to be told later that Hank's mortgage was paid from ward | welfare funds for many months, a payment authorized by | Hank's bishop, who apparently felt that Hank's financial | needs took precedence over his victims' claims. | | After the agony of years, Carol, reported to me in the | spring of 1996 the ending of this story for Hank -- though | not the end of his bitter legacy for his victims. She had | learned these details when Hank's second wife, Elaine, | called her. A year before in the spring of 1995, Hank and | Elaine separated, due to a number of stresses on their | marriage. Hank left the state for another job. When Elaine | told her two daughters by her first marriage and the son she | had borne to Hank that she planned to divorce him, the three | children told their mother of their years of sexual and | physical abuse at his hands. "He did it to us when we were | bad," they said. "He wasn't always mean, just sometimes. He | said he was teaching us to mind and be good." Elaine called | Hank, told him that the children were in therapy, and that | she was going to see him "rot in jail for what he'd done." | | Hank disappeared from his job. Elaine later learned that he | had returned to his mother's home in Salt Lake City. The | morning after his return, his mother found him dead from an | overdose of prescription and nonprescription drugs. A | suicide note addressed to his stepdaughters said he loved | them and would never do anything to hurt them but also said | that he knew God would forgive and understand his death | because he could not continue the destruction of more lives. | Carol comments, "Like the rest of his life, it was a double | and confusing message." The ultimate irony for Carol is that | he died in a bed in his mother's house, where his own abuse | had begun. | | Although Elaine had earlier rejected attempts to warn her | that her children would be in danger if she married Hank, | she now told Carol, "I know I never listened to all of you," | she said. "But if a church leader had told me what they knew | about him, I would have listened. And if he had been | excommunicated when his other children first told, I never | would have married him." She added, "The bishop and others | in the ward have helped me a lot, but I wish I could have | been directly warned." | | Carol summarizes bleakly, "I know of at least thirty people | Hank molested when they were children. There were many | adults along his path who knew of his behavior. One of us | should have been able to stop him and maybe to help him. | Hank was never called to a disciplinary council, and we have | never been given an explanation for this lack of Church | action against him. We believe that Church officers shielded | Hank from ecclesiastical action and even paid his bills | because of his connection to an apostle's family."[6] | | [ ENDNOTE 6: Carol Daniels statement to Lavina Fielding | Anderson on April 16, 1996. ] | | | | THE STORY BEGINS HERE. THE ABOVE IS THE AFTERMATH: | | | PAPERDOLLS: APRIL DANIELS AND CAROL SCOTT | | Writing under the pseudonyms of April Daniels and Carol | Scott, two women a generation apart recorded their | devastating discovery of the havoc abuse had wreaked in | their families. Their story appears in Paperdolls: Healing | from Sexual Abuse in Mormon Neighborhoods (Salt Lake City: | Palingenesia Press, 1990). All of the names in this account | are pseudonyms. Since its publication, there have been | additional developments, which are prepended to this | summary. | | The story begins with April, who as a child between the ages | of about five and her early teens, was fondled, sodomized, | vaginally penetrated with fingers, lighted candles, and | other objects, including a loaded pistol. The perpetrators | were teenage boys in her Salt Lake City neighborhood, | including her older brother, Tom, her father, cousins, and | at least two adult men in the neighborhood, at least three | college-age men, and neighborhood teenagers. "Counting my | brothers and their friends, there are close to twenty. We | didn't count kids my age. The others were about seven years | older." (65). They also urinated on her, forced her to clean | their penises with her tongue after their ejaculation, | locked her naked in a rabbit cage, and posed her for nude | pornography drawings with other children. One of them anally | raped her just after her baptism, despite her pleas that she | didn't want to be "nasty" any more. He told her, "`We can do | it because I'm a priest."' Another brother, Byron, witnessed | the abuse and was also sodomized; he later married a woman | who had been sexually abused as a child and was a | rageaholic. | | April's family was, on the surface, impeccably Mormon. The | parents were almost compulsively religious, temple-goers, | active, and pillars of the ward. Both brothers went on | fulltime proselytizing missions and married in the temple. | April's oldest sister also married in the temple. Her | parents had an equally solid social position as owners of a | financial institution in which she had a responsible | position as an adult. But beneath the surface brightness was | sickness. April's parents were secret alcoholics who took | pornographic photographs of each other with the family | Polaroid. When April was seven, her father, whom she | suspects was also abused as a child, orally raped her so | hard that her front teeth were loose for six months. Her | mother had a nervous breakdown when April was born. She | never commented on the smell of urine on April's clothes, | never noticed the blood and semen on her panties, and never | heard her when she sobbed for hours at night. She made jokes | about how April wasn't a "morning person" because she was | always exhausted in the mornings and couldn't eat without | getting sick. April developed at least one multiple | personality, fantasized that she could become a boy, became | a compulsive runner, finally went into therapy for her | bulimia, and began recovering memories of her abuse when she | was in her early thirties. | | April's and Carol's families were linked by friendship. | Carol Scott, April's co-author, whose children grew up in | April's neighborhood, commented that of the children in | April's peer group, six are dead, three by suicide. "Three | in and out of institutions. Five with eating disorders or | drug abuse. Every single one of those kids was involved in | the atrocity April is remembering" (52). | | Carol Scott was close to the age of April's mother. April | was good friends with Carol's younger daughters. An older | daughter, Loraine, married Tom's best friend, Hank, a | returned missionary, in the temple. They had four children: | Timothy, age eight, Isabel, five, Courtney, three, and a new | baby. Carol's son Jake and his wife, Sara, lived in the same | ward as Loraine and Hank. Jake and Sara had two children: | five-year-old Cynthia and three-year-old Claire. | | Carol wrote: | | It is February 14, 1986.... A few months ago a | psychologist in Loraine's LDS ward gave a lesson to the | Relief Society about symptoms of child sexual abuse. | Afterwards a mother of a little boy who plays with Timothy | took her child to the psychologist because she caught him | sticking marbles up his little sister's bottom.... One | victim led to another -- and another -- and another. To an | older teenage sister, to another teenager, to a father, etc. | More children were taken to therapists. More babysitters | were named . . . . The bishop of the ward said he didn't | know what to do. These were good and righteous families | being named. Hank's in the bishopric with him. Hank said the | bishop was calling in higher authorities. | | Every day Loraine called me and cried. Two of the | girls were in her Young Women's church class. Then one of | the children named Loraine's baby sitter, Geraldine.... Jake | and Sara have used Geraldine too . . . . Therapists... have | interviewed my five oldest grandchildren ranging in age from | three to seven.... Separately, with no knowledge of what | their siblings and cousins were saying, they told what | Geraldine and her boy friend did to them. | | . . . When Sara had her gallbladder out the mother | of the family [two houses down] volunteered to tend her | children all day for three days. We couldn't believe how | nice she was. It meant I didn't have to take time off work. | The mother has two little girls of her own, and she said | they all had so much fun playing together that they weren't | any trouble at all. This mother, this neighbor of Loraine's, | is a daughter of... one of the Twelve Apostles. Her husband | is in the bishopric with Hank. | | Our children told about the "touching parties" at | her house. About what the dad did to his two little girls | and ours while the mom gave out Popsicle's and cookies and | took videos. About how she used some of the [Primary -- the | auxiliary for children ages three to twelve] visual aids for | backgrounds in the videos. She's [Primary] chorister. She | got double use out of the Easter bunnies and posters she | made. | | At first I wanted desperately to believe my | grandchildren were making it up, but none of them have had | access to the sexual information they're giving. Their | mothers don't even let them watch TV except on Sesame Street | level, and no TV show contains the things they are | describing. | | The detail from each matched what the others have said. | Cynthia said, "He showed us deer antlers and said he'd poke | them up us if we told." Isabel said, "We were scared he'd | hurt us with the deer horns." There is no way they are not | telling the truth, and there is no way my mind can believe | it. | | . . . We had a Heroes' Party: Norton [Carol's | husband], and I, Loraine and Hank, Jake and Sara, the five | children, and the baby asleep in my bedroom. We all drew | pictures of ugly baby sitters hurting children and tore them | up and burned them in our fireplace. We gave the children | Hero Medals and told them they were protecting other | children by talking. Hank pounded an old slipper and said he | was pretending it was Geraldine.... | | Loraine and Sara looked dreadful. They weren't | sleeping, their houses were in chaos, their children had | started waking with screaming dreams.... | | Yesterday the kids were getting ice cream cones for | the good work they'd done in therapy, and Isabel casually | asked her mother, "Why are the things the baby sitters and | the bad people do to us bad and the lessons Daddy gives us | are okay?" . . . | | The therapist and I are sitting on the floor with | Isabel.... The therapist asks Isabel about the lessons Daddy | gave . . . . . (She] asks her two or three times. | | "We learn how our bodies are made. Where babies come | from and stuff like that" | | Of course, I think. Loraine and Hank have always | believed in being open about sex education. She's just all | mixed up because everything has been so confusing. Of | course. Dear God, please. | | . . . For two hours we listen to Isabel. She is | tired. She's crying. The therapist quietly says, "Isabel,... | you've done so well. You've worked so hard and told us lots | of important things...." | | Isabel . . . runs around the room throwing toys | everywhere. She kicks the dollhouse over, and then she | stamps and stamps on the anatomical doll that is the Daddy. | I hold her on the floor and rock her for a long, long | time.... | | Norton brought Hank into the office.... I told Hank | what Isabel and Timothy had said. I couldn't concentrate on | Hank's words, but he kept saying he couldn't remember any of | it. He also said his children didn't lie. He was shaking.... | Loraine had bitten her hands, and they were bleeding. | (55-59) | | The abuse had no Satanic elements, Carol believes, but the | "touching parties" followed a ritualized format: first they | would show pornographic videos of children, the children | would undress, masturbate each other, have oral sex and anal | sex with everyone by turns | | as though they were performing at a recital. This | part would be filmed and then played back. Then everyone | would dress, and they would have refreshments. The whole | `party' took less than an hour. Usually about seven | children, a couple of teenagers, and three or four adults | were there. Sometimes there were costumes and props, and | sometimes the children were given injections, "especially if | it was going to hurt." We gathered this meant if partial | penetration was attempted. | | Hank would "dance" wearing only the top half of his | garments. Geraldine would hold the girls' vaginas open while | "`the boys put something tickly up there."' The children | were forced to drink urine mixed with feces. "Treats" would | be taped to the baby's penis "so the kids would like to suck | them off." (108) | | The abuse took other forms as well. They put ice cubes in | three-year-old Courtney's vagina, told Isabel they were | going to put an ice pick in her vagina "to see how far it | could go without bleeding." (88) | | At Hank's mother's house | | a couple of her lady friends and sometimes some of | the cousins . . . would all sit in a circle on the floor and | go around, and they'd tell us what to do . . . .The ladies | liked us to suck on their boobs..... They liked us to tickle | each other. Then Daddy would do things to the ladies, | especially Grandma. Sometimes he would lie on her and put | his big thing up her. Mostly the ladies kept their clothes | on, but we were naked. They always had good treats. On the | way home, Daddy would say, "Wasn't that fun? You did real | good. You're learning the lessons real well, but you mustn't | tell Mommy." | | Loraine took the sobbing Timothy into her bedroom, | and I called Isabel into mine.... Same story, same details. | Identical. Even three-year-old Courtney told it, uncoached, | described her Daddy having sex with his mother. (90-91) | | Once these horrors had spilled out, Timothy came sobbing | into Carol's room in the middle of the same night. Something | else had happened, something too awful to tell, something | they had made him do. Carol had to promise not to tell his | mother. Finally he could write it down in his second-grade | printing: "`They made us drink kofey."' | | Then he started to cry.... "They said if we told | anyone about the parties, they'd tell how we drank coffee." | While I held Timothy and tried to explain about coffee, | something way deep and from way long ago inside me snapped. | It has still not come back together. My old, old issues | about hypocrisy, priorities, and claims to exclusive truth. | I wanted to burn every Primary manual I'd ever taught from | about evil coffee-drinking people.... I think of all the | horrors the children told, that one broke my heart the most. | (92) | | All this information was immediately given to the police, | the bishop, and the stake president. The children also | alleged that two teenaged boys performed sexual acts on the | children in their own homes, as girlfriends of these boys | were tending them. Although these boys did not live in the | ward and the children did not know their names, Timothy and | Courtney identified the same boys when the police showed | them yearbook pictures. Each of these identifications | occurred in two isolated interviews. | | Five-year-old Cynthia also identified the two teenage boys | from a high school yearbook. "Sure enough they were friends | of Geraldine. The police apparently were not impressed" | (107). Cynthia said the apostle's son-in-law strangled a | kitten and made the children help bury it. "We can do this | to [three-year-old] Claire," they told Cynthia. "We'll bury | her right here by the kitty if you ever tell." The apostle's | daughter threatened to drop Claire in the road so she'd be | run over. | | The bishop told Loraine that she should believe Hank, not | her children, because he was a "worthy priesthood holder." | The stake president said he believed the children and he | would try to initiate Church action. He later told the | family that he could not get approval from higher Church | authorities. | | Meanwhile, in 1986, Hank voluntarily entered the sexual | offenders' treatment program at Johns Hopkins Hospital in | Baltimore. He acknowledged to medical personnel there that | he remembered abusing his children, his nieces, and other | neighborhood children, reported details of the "sex parties" | at the home of the apostle's daughter and son-in-law, and | remembered his mother sexually abusing him during his own | childhood. His intent was to plea bargain upon release from | Johns Hopkins. When he learned that his former wife would | not let the children appear in court,[4] he recanted on all | of these admissions but he relinquished all visitation | rights when the divorce became final in the summer of 1986. | Loraine applied to the First Presidency for a cancellation | of sealing. It was granted. | | [ ENDNOTE 4: Carol, a therapist, advised her daughter not | to have the children testify in court, because of the | retraumatization of the children during a case in Lehi, | Utah, in which a number of children named several men | prominent in the community, including their bishop, as | perpetrators. The children were discredited as witnesses. ] | | The reaction of Church officials ranged from noncommittal to | cold. In early spring 1987, at the stake president's | invitation, Loraine wrote: | | Dear President ____: | | You have asked me to advise you of my current circumstances | surrounding my divorce... | | I married Hank ___ in the Salt Lake City Temple in | 1976. I believed at that time that Hank was a righteous man | and for ten years I tried to make a celestial marriage. I | had four children, who, after virtually living in true hell, | finally "told", in January and February 1986, the actual | nightmare that our "perfect;" temple-going, family-night; | daily family-prayers family was living: their father was a | child abuser who had been sexually molesting them for years. | The case was immediately reported to the police who | eventually said they could not prosecute without my | children's in-person testimony. A major reason for the | inaction of the criminal system has been my unwillingness to | make media celebrities of my children. | | Ecclesiastical inaction is more difficult to | understand in view of the Lord's teachings on sexual | morality and His clear warning to those who teach evil to | the innocent. My children remain available to you for | questioning as do other child witnesses, including my | brother's children, if corroboration of these facts is | necessary. | | There is not a way to describe the agony my children | and I have traversed.... My children have seen five doctors, | who have all said they would be willing to testify . . . | .There is evidence of scarring on the hymen on one child and | vaginal stretching of the hymen on another child. | | My children have told how Hank took them and one of | my nieces to his mother's home and let her and other | relatives molest these little children in many obscene ways. | They forced them to have oral sex with each other and to | watch as Hank had sexual intercourse with others including | his own mother. | | Hank also networked with a child abuse ring in our | neighborhood. They had orgies of abuse, which they | videotaped. I assume the tapes were traded to other | pedophiles or sold for money. | | In addition to incest Hank stands accused of | cunnilingus, fondling, digital penetration of vagina and | anus, sodomy, object rape, enforced fellatio, and the making | and showing of pornographic children's videos of his own | children and others. | | The abusers tortured and killed animals in front of | children and told them this would happen to them if they | told. They gave them injections of drugs (the children say | so it wouldn't hurt so much and to make them sleepy), showed | them films of all sorts of sadism. Finally my children | reached the point where what they actually were experiencing | became as frightening as the threats of what would happen if | they told. | | Hank has been examined by several therapists and | admitted himself to an out-of-state sexual offenders' | program, He was in this residential program for | approximately six weeks. The records of this hospital can | only be obtained at the request of Hank, as can the results | of psychological and polygraph evaluation performed... in | Salt Lake. If Hank is not a pedophile and is not a threat to | children, he should volunteer these unedited records to | clear his name. | | Hank mailed an invitation to my children for his | remarriage, which took place last month. The children have | not seen him since February 1986. He originally voluntarily | agreed to no visitation with them unless their psychiatrist | deemed it to be in their best interests. As soon as he | realized he wasn't being prosecuted, he initiated legal | action requesting not only visitation, but joint custody. It | has taken incredible effort and legal costs to keep my | children safe from him. When the children were told of his | marriage and the fact that he now has two little | step-daughters, they cried and told me I had to stop him now | or he would have more kids to abuse. The fact that he is | active in the Church may have been a factor in his ability | to find another wife. They were married in the temple. The | purity of unborn children, and for that matter any available | children, is in the hands of those of us who know the truth. | If we are silent we betray them. I hope for Hank's | excommunication, mainly as a warning to others Hank may | contact but also because my children's souls are in a | fragile place. | | When our new Primary president told the story of | Daniel ... [and stated that] God would help them when they | were in trouble, my eight-year-old raised his hand and | angrily informed the sister that this was not true. My | seven-year-old refuses to pray. She describes . . . how | she'd pray and pray, begging that if the abuse had to | continue that at least Heavenly Father would make it so it | didn't hurt so bad. But it always hurt just as bad. My | four-year-old is still confused over right and wrong. She | was consistently told Jesus wanted her to do these things | and that I wanted her to have these "marriage lessons." For | weeks after she'd told, she kept expressing her | astonishment; "They didn't kill me yet, Mommy. But Heavenly | Father wants me to be killed for telling." | | When Hank left the hospital, his therapist told my | mother and myself in Hank's presence that his prognosis was | entirely up to him.... He was aware of the results of the | sodium penathal interview and the lie detector test as well | as hypnosis administered at the hospital; . . . These tests | would give him objective evidence to remember what he has | done. Since that time Hank has recanted on his past | statements and is now asserting his complete innocence. | There is no reason to believe that his old patterns will not | reassert themselves entirely. | | The Church records should reflect that Hank is a | pedophile. If allowed access to children in the Church, not | only will further lives be destroyed but the Church may be | held morally and legally responsible for its failure to take | action to protect innocent victims from an extremely | disturbed child abuser.... (84, 86) | | Carol continues: | | Nothing ever happened... The bishop did come and | talk to Loraine one night. He said that if his own wife had | to choose between believing him or their children, he knew | she would believe him. The bishop advised Loraine that she | should think very carefully before breaking up her family. | Loraine moved. She did not see him again. | | No one interviewed the children or asked more | questions, except the stake president who talked with one of | the children's therapists. The stake president told us he | believed it. There has never been an excommunication trial. | We think we know why, but there is no way to be sure. | Loraine's neighbors, the ones who had the "touching | parties," are the daughter and son-in-law of an apostle in | the Mormon Church. (87)... | | No neighborhood could be a better setup for a child | abuser than the LDS one, where everyone is and has to be | perfect and no one who attends church diligently has | admissible problems. I can't blame the Church. I totally | bought into the perfectionism and denial. I do blame Church | leaders now if they don't deal with problems when they know | about them. The bishop told Loraine she should believe Hank | because he held the priesthood. Just as the | [sixteen-year-old] priest had told April [that she should | comply with his demands]. (110) | | As Loraine's letter indicates, Hank's remarriage was another | blow. Elaine (pseudonym), his new wife, had two small | daughters. When Hank sued for visitation rights with his | children, Elaine attended the hearing at which the | children's therapists gave detailed reports and at which | Hank's records from Johns Hopkins were reviewed. The court | denied all visitation. Elaine heard all of the testimony but | told Carol that she did not believe these "lies" and that | her place was with her husband. | | Norton, the children's grandfather, became deeply depressed | in the fall of 1986 and took his pistol to the safety | deposit box to eliminate one means of committing suicide. As | a businessman, as someone with Church connections, | | he was always effective; at the least he could have | impact; he could be heard. Now he had to face a legal system | in which all of us seemed to have no credibility. Nothing | happened. When he suggested the police search homes for | pornographic videos, they called the alleged perpetrators | and made appointments, explaining why they were coming.... | | Then there was the Church. Norton had his share of | disagreement with Church policies, but he was a fervent | believer and totally loyal. He had given and given to the | Church -- time, money, energy, thought; love. We had talked | about what it might be like for him to be a mission | president or some equivalent. Now no one in the Church would | listen to him. After Loraine moved, Norton and I went to the | new bishop of her old ward. We thought that since he had | moved into the neighborhood recently, he needed information. | We told him everything we knew.... He said he believed us | and would pray for us. I suggested ways he could warn his | ward without implicating or hurting anyone, ways he could | help the children who had been named and had never seen a | therapist. His response was, "I don't see that there is | anything I can do it is really not within the parameters of | my office. It's in the hands of the stake president" | | . . . Little innocent children were to go on being | sacrificed, and it was not within his jurisdiction.... The | apostle's son-in-law would continue to sit next to the | bishop on the stand in Church, looking down on all the faces | of the children he had molested. | | Norton went to his friend, a young and very | effective General Authority. For thirty years, he and his | wife had been two of our best friends. When the children | told, almost the first thing Loraine, Jake, and Sara did was | take their children to him for blessings. Our friend, the | authority, had met with Hank then too and tried to help him. | He had urged Jake and Loraine to keep in touch with him. He | is a brilliant, spiritual, unselfish person, totally devoted | to his calling in the Church and to his fellow human beings. | When the names of the apostle's daughter and son-in-law came | up, however, all contact with him about our particular | situation ceased almost overnight. He assured us he could do | nothing. After a couple of months, he invited us to dinner | at his home, but he made a point of saying that this | particular subject could not be discussed. His wife was not | supposed to know anything about it. Norton... felt betrayed | . . . We don't see them anymore. | | Unlike me, [Norton] had always assumed if he tried | to do what he should and if he trusted in God, he and his | would be protected. For the first time in his life, he faced | the simplistic quality of his faith. He had to come to grips | with evil. For a long time, he could not pray. He went to | church and wept during the hymns. He watched the "falling | away" of his children as they struggled with the Church. | (144-45) | | When April, visiting a friend, attended the Young Women's | class she co-taught, she walked out during the other | teacher's lesson on chastity and demanded of her friend, | "`What about the incest victims? . . . There were over | twenty girls in that class. I'm certain that a couple of | them just had their hearts wrung through a wringer.' Laurel | just stared at me. She commented that she had never thought | of it that way before" (79). At Carol's request, April | talked to Hank's stake president. He arranged for her to | meet with two General Authorities: | | They seemed to be very caring, compassionate men. I | told them everything. I told them about my family, the | neighbors, and Hank . . . about the children from my | neighborhood. The deaths, the suicides, and psychiatric | hospitalization . . . | | We all came from well-educated, upper-class | righteous homes. We grew up in a nice neighborhood. Over | half of us have had incomprehensible pain throughout our | lives because of the sexual abuse that happened to us as | children . . . . | | I think the General Authorities believed me. They | asked me if I would be willing to speak at a [disciplinary] | council. | | I told them I believe that the support of the Church | could help the perpetrators get into professional | counseling. | | One of the General Authorities said, "This council | might help push them into therapy." (191) | | April was never called as a witness. There were no | disciplinary councils. | | The story continued after the publication of Paperdolls. | [Skip back to RAPE AND SODOMIZATION BY DIAGNOSED PEDOPHILE | IGNORED BY CHURCH -- AFTERMATH, for this continuation!] | | | [Statements By Parents And Others About Ecclesiastical | Reluctance To Act On Reported Abuse, Case Reports Of The | Mormon Alliance, Volume 1, 1995, Chapter 5, section 2; ``A | summary of the bi-generational abuse inflicted in the | families of April Daniels and Carol Scott, the pseudonyms of | two women who wrote their stories in Paperdolls: Healing | from Sexual Abuse in Mormon Neighborhoods (Salt Lake City: | Palingenesia Press, 1990). Ecclesiastical inaction and | actual support for one perpetrator was an unexpected and | bitter source of pain for those already suffering.'' | http://mormonalliance.org/casereports/volume1/part1/v1p1c05.htm | ] | | | (In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this | material is distributed without profit to those who have | expressed a prior interest in receiving the included | information for research and educational purposes.) |______________________________________________________________